Volume 9 , No. Abstract : The article offers a brief resume of recent developments in the field of interpretative visual analysis with emphasis on the German speaking area and the sociological discipline. It lays a special focus on hermeneutical and genre analysis and on research with audiovisual data. Far from constituting an already closed field, the authors stress the fact that methodological advances in qualitative research based in visual data still face a number of pending quests.
This encompasses sequentiality, complexity and naturalness of videographic data, and extends to the respective methodological challenges for transcription, analysis and presentation of results. Key words : visual sociology; history of interpretative research; video; sociological hermeneutics; genre analysis.
This text begins with a brief resume of the history and development of visual analysis in qualitative research 2 , followed by a section in which we discuss the special contribution of video to the field 3. Consequently, and in order to emphasise the ongoing process of developing both adequate and practical methods, we close with some reflections on desiderates and future challenges for Interpretative Visual Analysis 4, 5. The particular properties and possibilities of visual data have been extensively used in the social sciences since the midst of the 19th century, especially in social and cultural anthropology, ethnology and folklore studies.
Progressively, technically produced visualisations began to substitute for handcrafted illustrations added to ethnographic texts in order to visualise, animate and illustrate scientific documents THEYE, After , however, the increasing influence of statistical methods induced an abrupt substitution of photos by formula, charts and tables as the predominant form of appropriate scientific illustration STASZ, Thus, important projects, situated beyond the margins of academic disciplines, proved to be decisive for the further development.
They pursued explicitly the goal of establishing Visual Sociology as a new discipline in its own right. For the first time, visual data, its production, analysis and presentation were set up as core tasks within one significant discipline in the social sciences. Its areas of research were circumscribed mainly by social problems minorities, marginal groups, underclass environments , the analysis of role behaviour e.
Visual Sociology reached its point of culmination during the s, when several international journals were published on a regular basis, consecutive major conferences were held and a series of important anthologies were published. Introductory books for student came out, backed up with didactical guidebooks for teaching, and several Universities in the US offered special courses and graduate seminars to teach Visual Sociology in theory and practice cf.
Parallel to the precursors of Visual Sociology, researchers became increasingly aware of the pervasive impact of mass media on society during the s and s. Roosevelt's victory in the presidential campaign in , the effects of Orson Welles radio drama "War of the Worlds" in or the deliberate use of film for propagandistic purpose by the fascist regimes of Hitler and Mussolini activated broad empirical research and theoretical reasoning on open and covert, explicit and implicit media effects like seduction, manipulation, and demagogy MERTON, ; PACKARD, Ultimately, the audiovisual media coverage about the Vietnam War strikingly demonstrated the pervasive influence that politically relevant images and copious public circulation exerts on public audiences in modern mediated societies.
These studies focused primarily on media's socialisation effects and gave special attention to violence. But some qualitative studies followed narrower paths away from the broad motorways of normal science, studying the use of cameras in everyday life, decisively propagated from the s onwards by the popularisation of cameras BOURDIEU et al. They discovered mundane aestheticisation practices which varied markedly from milieu to milieu and stereotyped medial forms of presenting gender, respectively.
Besides repeated criticisms concerning both its implicit socio-political claims and the insufficient methodological instruments of discourse analysis BAL, , one of its indisputable merits was understanding that professional and scientific realms, as well as everyday and occupational activities, are realised through and depend increasingly on audiovisual media. This idea bears decisive consequences for current research on, and with, visual and audiovisual data.
It implies that professional understanding in sociology—that is: analysis and interpretation—not only with respect to its research objects and its social fields, but also in conceptual, methodological and methodical terms has to supersede and develop beyond "classical" notions of sociological media and communications research cf. However, methodical traditions and competence in analysing visual and audiovisual data remains underdeveloped and deficient in Sociology, compared, for example, to the longstanding and well-establish tradition of ethnological film in Anthropology.
The gradual introduction and social dissemination of video technologies at the turn of the s provided for a manifest expansion of research objects and a substantial increase of analytical facilities. GOODWIN's seminal studies , , in which he applied video-analysis to interaction phenomena, thus far exclusively studied with acoustic means, systematically explored the role of visual aspects for interactions. Also, several reflexive methods have been applied.
HOLLIDAY , for example, asked her research subjects to operate the camcorder on their own and document their everyday activities as video diaries. Also, within the hermeneutical tradition, initially applied mainly for the interpretation of texts and conversations, this methodological approach progressively turned to other materials, as images and forms of visual mise en scenes, indexing the historically changing forms of expression, perception and presentation that are beyond oral conversation and texts.
In the meantime, video-analysis has been extended to other areas of social research. Videography SCHUBERT, a, b focuses on technological usage in professional contexts and the forms of interaction and interactivity between human and technical devices. Despite great expectations, it has not matched its exorbitant future promises because of serious technical problems and the constrictions of mediated communication.
But the incipient subsequent technological leap including UMTS might stimulate a dramatic shift in communication usage, including video-messaging-services and mobile video-based communication, although expectations concerning a supposed "perpetual visual contact" KOSKINEN, as facilitated by new technological devices like visually supported mobile phones may remain an unachievable future vision. However, the production and usage of moving images, for the purposes of communication, challenges users by generating a series of novel opportunities and problems, which may be properly studied by social scientists with the aid of videographic inquiry.
Finally, video-analysis was propelled forward by another important change in public use and application of visual technologies, which in Germany was introduced first with a certain reticence, but has then pervaded rapidly into vast segments of the public, commercial, and even the private sphere: video-surveillance and CCTV systems. These systems were set up to record, sometimes to collect and store, video data in diverse settings like observation centres and control rooms, where video recordings are systematically sifted and analysed.
Beyond important ethical and legal implications, methodical question and challenges for sociological analysis arise from that practice, with respect to the extraction and combination of images, above all concerning how images are to be interpreted, especially with respect to its relevancies for inducing decisions and orientations subsequent action FISKE, ; FYFE, Video-cameras, camcorders and webcams offer novel modes of data collection for the social sciences.
These devices do not only allow for a comprehensive documentation of social action and interaction. Moreover, they provide researchers with new qualities and quantities of data. The omnipresence of video in our culture is striking. However, despite the wide diffusion and general acceptance of video-recordings both within current everyday life and a series of institutional areas within our society, the related scientific research with video data continues to advance relatively slowly.
Although there are already a wide array of existing methodological approaches for visual data in general cf. Nonetheless, Video-data is already employed in a wide array of research areas within the social sciences and especially in qualitative studies. The fact of video's popularity is, however, framed by a number of fundamental methodological questions which have not been discussed to the extent a proper methodological debate would require in order to allow a conscious and professional legitimated application of this new research instrument.
Among the most demanding problems pending are questions like: what characteristics and properties of video data are to be taken into consideration by social scientists at the different stages of the research process? Do we have to distinguish between different types and qualities of video data?
What expertise do we already have at our disposal in recording, preparing, transcribing, analysing, interpreting and presenting audiovisual data? Despite the growing interest in visual research in general, there has been relatively little debate on the specific methodological demands of interpretative video analysis. Interpretative video-analysis is a quite recent, though rapidly expanding innovation in social science methodology.
Today, it is used in a wide range of fields in sociology and cognate disciplines. Apparently, video data shows a number of benefits for social research. Video seemingly conveys insights into unknown features of the social world. It provides researchers with comprehensive recordings of the successive unfolding of social interactions and with detailed audio-visual data of their embedding in existing social situations, settings and worlds.
Visual analysis' current condition in sociology and related disciplines calls for an advancement of the reasoning on adequate methods and proper theoretical approaches, because the social sciences have—at best—marginalised visual data, if not neglected them. Certainly, images were conceived as warrants for the dissemination of traditions, beliefs and knowledge during centuries in our culture—and certainly not only in our culture—even if they were not accompanied by any text GOMBRICH, Distrust in the allegedly insurmountable ambiguity of images arises at the time when literacy and texts became warrants of intersubjectivity and "objectivity", because not only in the process of focalisation on text, reading image interpretation skills were progressively lost, but there was also a relative blindness initially towards the multiple meanings or ambivalence of texts.
A second reason lies in the different "nature" of images and texts. LANGER maintains that language is characterised by the fact that it can only express details inserted within a certain order: the discursive order, which is the linear and successive sequence of significant meaning units into a broader meaning complex. Images, on the contrary, are characterised by a simultaneous and integral, therefore "presentational symbolism". The totality of images encloses all meaning elements which constitute the symbolic unit as a whole and represents them all at once.
This bears two consequences: On the one hand, the specific meaning of each single element can only be understood by, and through, the meaning of the whole, by its relations within a holistic structure. On the other hand, the exclusion of language-specific restrictions like linearity and succession allows for the communication of ideas, intentions and stances which may not—or only barely—be speakable using the symbolic system of language or which would lose their potential particular meaning if using language instead of images cf.
However, as part of the growth visualisations and mediatisation in contemporary society, technological media like photography, film, television, video and computers, and the corresponding images they spread, are becoming primary forms of knowledge communication, especially for understanding and interpreting historical, social and cultural realities.
There are nearly no historical, social or political topics, issues, processes or events left which cannot be immediately documented, then elaborated and finally communicated by the media. This development is reaching its culmination in the spread of surveillance cameras, the connection of visual recording devices with computers and the miniaturisation and multiplication of digital hybrid media like camera phones. Beyond exaggerated euphoria, cultural pessimistic criticism and metaphysical visions of doom, the "flood of images" has also engendered broad theorisation of the significance of media and images for interaction in everyday life.
This comes along with accompanying reflexions and discussions on the methodological and empirical labour with images and visual media. The bases of these efforts are rooted in the insight that we apprehend our world by interpretation and meaningful action, using changing forms of symbolic production and symbolic understanding, through which we have to continually create new gateways to our world.
Therefore, it is not only members of a certain culture that have to appropriate the increasingly complex forms of expression and meaning structures by establishing new ways of interpreting them. Moreover, the social sciences cannot avoid that something is becoming a subject of its methodologically controlled data production and analysis. The thing that not only shapes, but inherently determines the experience and memory, the knowledge, action and imagination of social and historical understanding and is determining it increasingly: the audiovisual media along with its images.
At least in the wake of Cultural Studies' success, visual analysis has become a fixed element beyond those disciplines traditionally occupied with visual forms like art history and media studies. The reasons for this are, without doubt, manifold, but surely three factors have had a decisive influence: a the end of the logocentric paradigm, b the massive dissemination of visual media, and c the proliferation and easy access to visual devices in scientific research practice during the last decade.
On the other hand, visual techniques of data production are increasingly employed in the sciences. This growing relevance of visual and audiovisual forms is intimately related to technological innovation, a process in which the social sciences are obviously benefitting from a general trend towards audiovisual recordings, which has come with a rapid miniaturisation and technical improvement of the corresponding video equipment better resolution quality, and capacity.
Lower prices for increasingly powerful cameras have undoubtedly accelerated this process. Digitalisation, has not only improved the quality of audiovisual recordings, but enabled the storage and handling, including sharing electronic data within distributed research networks. Within a culture progressively shifting from literacy to visuality, video recordings are widely regarded by its members as "natural", "holistic", self-evident and taken-for-granted representations of social occasions and events. For social scientists however, video-data is the most complex, "multimodal" data used in qualitative studies so far.
Although technical innovations over the last decade have significantly simplified its use, interpretative research with video-data still requires sophisticated methods of analysis. Today, we witness a growing interest in interpretative research with video data—a fact that calls for deepening the discussion of its methodological problems.
Unlike other kinds of data the use of video in social research seem to foster a certain fusion—or confusion—of data collection recording with data analysis and interpretation, as well as with the presentation of results which may lead to severe methodical problems. For this reason and in order to discuss separately the pertaining problems of each area, we will consider the following three aspects that correspond to different stages in research with video data:.
Generation of video data: Video-based explorations of social worlds and relevant methodological and practical challenges for data generation include problems of field access, recording permission, solutions for legal, ethical and technical restrictions. Methods of data analysis and interpretation as developed in the areas of ethnomethodological video-analysis, video-hermeneutics, video-interaction-analysis, video-performance-analysis, that lay the bases for combining or renewing existing approaches. Presentation of results in video-based interpretative research, which extend to criteria for the selection, preparation and publication of results and new ways of integrating video-data into established and accepted forms of publishing scientific results.
From a methodological and methodical viewpoint, the following aspects are of special relevance for Interpretative Video-Analysis. The mimetic property of video does not imply a fundamental epistemological position, but results from the quite mundane domain of research practice. Video recordings allow for a technically quick and facile production of "documents", available as a pre-embedded skill in everyday practice.
Emphasising this "natural social positivism" in mundane video usage does, however, by no means equate to a methodological standpoint which equates with a similar belief in the "positivistic" features of video data at the level its social scientific usage. We do not hold the conviction that video actually would produce "authentic", undistorted, complete records of mundane situations. However, we share the member's view in the sense that video—except in quite rare cases—is supposed to be showing records of mundane situation which actually have taken place and are—more or less—well represented by the audiovisual material.
They are, at least, documents of a certain situation to some extent and are constituted by a categorical difference from data which has been produced "artificially" exclusively for research purposes, as this is the case in data generated in laboratories cf. Mainly within anthropology, this issue has been widely discussed, as part of a broader epistemological reflection on the legitimacy and adequacy of investigating exotic cultures by western scientists.
Known as the "crisis of representation" it has sharpened the awareness of the constructedness of any data social scientists produce and analyse. Constructedness, nevertheless, is not equivalent to invention or creation ex nihilo. To characterise video as naturalistic data means to recognise both its conservation a wide range of aspects of the original situation, and its construction by the scientist mediated through video technologies. Researchers understand that video-recordings do not of course capture the "world-as-it-happens" and they recognise that like all methods of data collection they are not without their problems and difficulties.
Secondly, field observations play a critical part in the research. The video-camera does not by any means replace the observer. On the contrary, the body of video-data has to be substantially augmented by observational data. Therefore, whilst the recordings are produced the researcher takes notes that later enrich the analysis of the video-data. And thirdly, they take particular care to reduce any reactivity of the data collection. Drawing on studies that investigate the reactivity of people to camera they place the recording device in some distance to the action. The problem of reactivity , a current issue in methodological debates, certainly requires a more extended discussion, albeit under the auspices of cultural acceptance mentioned earlier and everyday practices of audiovisual media and, in particular, of video recordings.
It is similarly accepted that every video recording factually encloses constructive aspects of those operating the camera, be they lay people or researchers. Their footprints are left in the specific selection of camera position, perspectives or groups etc. In order to avoid the vicious circle of infinite epistemological regress—to which fundamental argumentation may lead, as a number of debates following the "crisis of representation" have vividly shown—it is necessary to discuss these limits in relation to the changing conditions of on the one hand, social change in everyday life and on the other, the pragmatic needs of research.
Video recordings produce data with a high degree of complexity. The sheer amount of data is a challenge in its own right. A few minutes of recording produce a large quantity of visual, kinaesthetic, acoustic etc. Hence, an analytic and methodological framework is required that helps the researcher to deal with this complexity. The complexity of audiovisual data—only approximately defined by the three forces mentioned earlier—constitutes an enormous potential for this communicative form, not only in aesthetical terms, but as a challenge for the social sciences' practises of analysis, interpretation, and understanding.
Visual media like camcorders and webcams are multifunctional instruments which enable a wide array of potential usages, including their conscientious application for data production in qualitative research. The relative neglect of video in the social sciences is sometimes attributed to its complexity and abundance. Video data is certainly among the most complex data in social scientific empirical research. It is multi-sensual and sequentially ordered, enclosing both diachronic and synchronic elements, e.
Moreover, it represents aspects related to recording activity itself, such as the angle and the focus of the camera, the cuts, and other elements pertaining to the activity of filming and editing. Hence, video recording generates an extraordinary abundance of data, confronting the researcher with the problems of data management, retrieval and selection. This may not only cause data overload, but also raises the question of how to select sequences appropriate for further microanalysis. It might also be the case that the quality of the recordings may be detrimental to analytic purposes.
There may be interesting parts of video that cannot be selected for further scrutiny due to, for example, recording problems wrong perspective, malfunction, blurriness, people running through the image, etc. Beyond such obvious practical restrictions, the methodological problem of what constitutes the unit of analysis and how to assure a balance between time-consuming microanalysis and an overview over the whole data corpus remain open questions for future methodological debates. All video analysts agree in the interpretative character of their data.
Natural data refers to data collected when the people studied act, behave and go about their business as they would if there were no social scientists observing or taping them. Nevertheless, many studies show that the effect of video becomes negligible in most situations after a certain phase of habituation. The stress on the naturalness of data should, however, not be understood as a total neglect of other kind of situations.
Interviews or even experiments may also be subjected to video analyses, the general assumption being that they are not as a result taken to represent something else i. It is this orientation towards "natural situations" that leads video analysts to sympathise strongly with ethnography, particularly the kind of ethnography which turns towards encounters, social situations and performances as championed by Erving GOFFMAN , , In order to distinguish this ethnographically oriented video analysis from other standardised forms of video analysis, it seems therefore quite reasonable to refer to it as "videography" KNOBLAUCH, The enormous advantage of video data consists in its inherent sequential order.
Social situations, interactions and processes are not only observable in a wide range of perspectives, but also transformed into data that still enclose the sequential unfolding of the recorded events or interactions. Video provides an opportunity to capture participants' actions and activities and subject them to repeated scrutiny using slow-motion facilities and the like. They give access to the sequential, moment-by-moment production of talk and visual conduct as it emerges—details which are unavailable to methods like observation or interviewing.
The discursiveness of this media technology, especially through the possibility to rewind and fast forward, enables repeated investigation of scenes and interactive sequences in great detail and without loss of quality. Digital video enables a simplified usage in comparison with older technology such as super-8 or VHS, allowing for manipulability of reproduction at high levels of detail. This constitutes the basis for the methodological advantage of video because it allows detailed microscopic investigation of complex interactions.
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Slow motion and amplification of segments allow a "microscopic" look at details that may be out reach of the participant's viewpoint and therefore might pass unnoticed using other methods, and, in particular, it allows consideration of the successive unfolding of interactive sequences and appreciation of the interrelation between elements that might be inobservable to the naked eye.
Likewise of specific relevance for analytical work with video data are features including freezing of images, accelerated or decelerated reproduction speed, splitting audio from video, etc. Moreover digitalisation allows faster cutting out of relevant sequences, editing and annotating or comparing different diachronic sequences synchronically as in split-screen arrangements, cf. Although sequentiality can have various meanings—particularly in the divergent uses of the term by hermeneutics and conversation-analysis—the parallel between the sequentiality of the medium and the sequentiality of social activities is fundamental to video analysis.
Since all approaches are interpretative, the analysis is built in one way or the other on what may be called "ethno-hermeneutics". They also share the methodological conviction that interpretive analysis of video-data requires more than "visual empathy" combined with descriptive "structured microanalysis" as DENZIN suggests. Sequentiality is one of the inherent characteristics bearing special relevance for the analytical potential of video data. Unlike other images—think of paintings, photography or graphics—video and filmic data have a genuine sequential structure.
This property can be examined from two complementary perspectives: The first aspect of sequentiality lies in the continual temporal succession of movements within a single take, what has been from its beginnings one of the most fascinating qualities of film, as documented in examples from early cinema. While this may be limited to a fixed camera, the second aspect adds a further quality as expressed by the mobilisation of camera itself, in the shifts and zooming, dynamising the images and producing new temporal and spatial modulations.
In this sense, the ongoing separation, re- combination and permutation of perceptual instances transforming and rearranging meaning structures, or courses of action and interaction, is constitutive for those audiovisual data which have been edited. Cutting and editing determine the organisation of space and time and constitute central elements of showing and narration, which means visual-cognitive efforts of interpretation, because they guide and direct the spectators' gaze and reception, and, ultimately, frame their understanding and interpretation.
In addition to the aforementioned aspects, which can be subsumed in general to the problem of continuity and succession of moving images, exists a third aspect of sequentiality: Hidden by the simultaneity of images and sound, there have been attached to moving images from the very beginning of media, voice, musical, sound, commentaries and dialogue. No doubt, the relation between the spoken and the visual is of general epistemological importance and the relation between text and image needs to be clarified.
In the case of video analysis, however, this issue exhibits a very practical aspect: the transcription of data inscribes in its particular way how the visual is accounted for by the analysis, so that any further development of video analysis will also depend on the way in which data are being transcribed or otherwise made accessible for analysis. Analysis will increasingly be able to draw on visual representation, with the result that written transcripts may lose their importance to such a degree as to potentially provide the way for a "visual mentality" in analysis—a mode of analysing that depends less on the written word than on visualisation and imagination.
The ongoing technological changes may also affect the way—and are already now affecting the ways—in which studies are being presented cf. We need to consider that transcribing data is not just a preliminary phase of analysis. It forms an essential part of analysis. Transcribing generates observations that are fundamental to analytical inferences.
As in research based on natural communicative activities or interviews, the transcription of video data is simply indispensable. Conversation analysts and linguists have developed a wide array of transcription systems that transform the analytically important aspects of spoken language into textual representations cf. Nevertheless, transcription systems for video data still remain in an experimental stage.
These "ad hoc solutions" comprise of transcripts which basically consist of detailed description of what occurs in the video. There are also forms of transcription for non-verbal aspects and their relation to the verbal behaviour of participants, "conduct score", and sketches of action sequences or "thick interpretative descriptions" in addition to representations of data that attempt to make use of the visual potential of video data.
A further problem is the role of technology as both enabling opportunities and subjecting video research to certain limits. The very fact that the methodology is heavily reliant on technology ties it to future technological developments. This does not only raise the question of what impact the technology may have on social scientific video analysis and vice versa.
Video confronts the researcher with a number of technical and material challenges. Some of them concern the utilisation and application of camera, microphones, software etc. This technical part is still underestimated in the methodological discussion. Without doubt, the instruments change the way in which we collect, construct, analyse and interpret our data. Methodological considerations rarely reflect this material issue because we are used to discussing methodology in much more abstract terms.
Hence, we may ask in what ways the instruments interfere with our analytical work. This question is especially pertinent for video analysis, which, compared to other qualitative methods, requires quite a lot of technology. Indeed, it may represent one of the most expensive and intricate ways to conduct qualitative research. Nonetheless, researchers still must purchase camcorders, tapes, tripods, microphones, etc. In addition, analysing video data requires intelligent storage and cataloguing systems for raw data, powerful computer hardware and a series of software tools to digitalise, transcribe and analyse data and to present research results.
Due to miniaturisation and popularisation, stripped down versions of video equipment have become ever more accessible for students. Nevertheless, the expense entailed from basic research equipment somewhere between the equipment available for popular use and that used by television professionals easily may amount to tens of thousands of Euros—in addition to the space, time and patience required to select the appropriate apparatus and software.
Its handling requires also novel technical skills, quite unprecedented in qualitative inquiry. And, unlike other, more conventional forms of qualitative research, e. This may cause a certain delay in the analytical work, as quite extended portions of time are consumed by mere "craftsmanship". As a result, qualitative inquiry may even become more similar to quantitative research. As in surveys, much work is invested in preparation, providing skills to the coders, handling the data-collections etc. Finally, one of the most salient problems is the legal issues of video-recording. Like any other form of research, video analysis is subject to legal and ethical restrictions.
This concerns questions such as: where are video analysts permitted to film, who is permitted to record social interactions for analytical purposes, which of these images may be stored, analysed or even used for publication and thereby disclosed to a wider audience. Although there have been intense debates on issues related to video recording in public places, their focus has been primarily on security issues and the questions of infringement on individuals' right to privacy.
To assure that some kind of "informed consent" exists seems to be, in the meantime, the most reasonable practical solution, although there may be cases in which this is virtually impossible e. In addition, unlike for example the case of interview transcripts, anonymisation of moving images is a technically much more demanding task. Consequently, respecting the right to privacy in video analysis is a difficult and as yet unresolved problem, in addition to the legal implications of possible infringements on copy-rights and other rights that may be touched on by capturing, recording, analysing, storing or publishing video data of some sort i.
Legally, the use of video for scholarly purposes of the kind described above oscillates between the individual freedom, which puts particular restrictions on "natural recording" practices, on the one hand, and the freedom of research, which puts no limits on the potential subjects of video recording to the extent that these may be of scientific relevance. Because of the tension between these two extremes, researchers often find themselves caught in a dilemma.
Modern societies are characterised by the increase of mediated and visualised forms of communication. These ongoing changes impact deeply on social relations. Mediated representations of reality tend to overlay the "natural" perceptions generated by the human senses. In other words, media products not only increasingly surround people in their everyday-life, but photographs, movies, TV-broadcasts, video-productions, and virtual computer-worlds influence their perception of reality fundamentally.
In effect, humanities and social science researchers must answer questions like: To what extent do technical constructions of reality alter the forms of human self-interpretation and self-representation? How do the audiovisual media shift and extend the potential for the human construction and attribution of meaning? And not least, which new requirements for the interpretation, and which new challenges to the understanding of meaning come into being in everyday-life e.
Genre analysis and video hermeneutics have recently been developed as procedures for the generation, documentation, and understanding of audiovisual data. Consequently, genre analysis and video hermeneutics as reconstruction procedures show how facts are fabricated by human beings under certain socio-historical conditions. Furthermore, they oblige the researcher to take on a self-reflexive stance and take into account his or her subjective presuppositions under which he himself or she herself constitutes the reality he or she is observing.
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This, combined with massive student debt, are tools to silence the student population, once the center of transformative action. And nowhere, except perhaps in the analogous society of pagan Rome, has there ever been such a flowering of cheap and petty and disgusting lusts and vanities as in the world of capitalism, where there is no evil that is not fostered and encouraged for the sake of making money.
We live in a society whose whole policy is to excite every nerve in the human body and keep it at the highest pitch of artificial tension, to strain every human desire to the limit and to create as many new desires and synthetic passions as possible, in order to cater to them with the products of our factories and printing presses and movie studios and all the rest. The more a man's life is shaped by the collective norm , the greater is his individual immorality.
Carl Gustav Jung Swiss psychiatrist, psychoanalytist, founder of a new school of depth psychology, author, R. Hull, editor, H. Jung, Volume 6 , , Princeton University Press, 2nd edition , 1. It means a society based upon the opinion of civilians. It means that violence , the rule of warriors and despotic chiefs, the conditions of camps and warfare, of riot and tyranny, give place to parliaments where laws are made, and independent courts of justice in which over long periods those laws are maintained.
When Civilization reigns, in any country, a wider and less harassed life is afforded to the masses of the people. The traditions of the past are cherished, and the inheritance bequeathed to us by former wise or valiant men becomes a rich estate to be enjoyed and used by all. The central principle of Civilization is the subordination of the ruling authority to the settled customs of the people and to their will as expressed through the Constitution.
Winston S. Churchill, editor, S.
CoNE - Bedford, Jonathan
The woman [one] who walks alone is likely to find herself in places no one has ever been before. And of course that does not show up in GDP. Video presentation by Riane Eisler, Ph. September There are countless people in the West whose efforts are sadly wasted because they have no means of expressing their unique genius. In the psyches of such people there is an inner power and authority that fails to shine because the world around them is blind to it.
One black sheep in a white sheep herd. Article by Kurt Vonnegut Jr. Now, the rate is still too high — still too many people unnecessarily losing their lives. There's still work to do. But it's heart-stopping. It's mind-blowing stuff. Truth , January This suspension of belief is the practical application of the basic dictum to " wear the world like a light garment. David R.
I have yet to see a serious act of violence that was not provoked by the experience of feeling shamed and humiliated , disrespected and ridiculed, and that did not represent the attempt to prevent or undo this "loss of face" — no matter how severe the punishment, even if it includes death. James Gilligan, Ph. Our Deadly Epidemic and its Causes , S. Review of The Spirit Level: New book uncovers connections between economic disparities and social ills , presented by Street Speech , August , posted 1.
February We are the first generation who got to the end of what material economic growth can do for us. That's an incredible important thing. And we got to the end it at a time when we know that the environmental constraints mean that we should stop doing that. What we have to do now is to refocus from raising material standards to thinking about the social quality of life. The quality of social relations in our society is built on material foundations, on the extent of income differences between us.
The intution that people have had that [income] inequality is divisive and socially corrosive is absolutely right. Video presentation by Richard Wilkinson, Ph. June , YouTube film, starting minute , minute , minutes duration, posted Close-up of a small red rose. Video presentation by Kate Pickett, Ph. In terms of the really important measures of human wellbeing greater equality is good for us all.
What does make a difference to all of us is the quality of social relationships. What the data shows us is that we can improve the quality of human relationships in whole societies by reducing the scale of income differences. June I sometimes say, "This is about monkeys, not Marx. Homeless man , Paris, France, June Rich Cubans aren't much richer than poor ones. All Cubans spend way less money on health care than Americans. The more money you have the more satisfied you are.
That does not hold for emotions. We can measure that very clearly. Item 5a. Comparing one's income favorably to others, spending impulsively money, and overcoming self-doubt with money did not enhance one's subjective well-being. Wealthier people consistently reported a lower ability to savor, "enhance and prolong positive emotional experience. Solution : Deepening positive thinking and friendships. I think I was imprisoned by part of my life that was not a part of what I would say is truth.
Hey, I am the director, man. You are just a camera man. I don't support that anymore. I'm more sensitive. I hope that I have walked further down the empathic road. Conclusion: I think we are all part of it. And there can be a little difference but not the kind of difference that I supported. Robak, Sheila H.
The political logic of economic restructuring in the Middle East
Chiffriller, Melinda C. Zappone , College students' motivations for money and subjective well-being , presented by Psychological Reports , volume , issue 1, S. October , minutes duration, posted 1. January Stephen Walt: "Social Inequality is the biggest challenge in the coming decade. I think we are all part of it. Consumerism Industrial Revolution Expressing status insecurity and competition 6.
September Reference : en. Today an average Korean is working 1, hours more per year than an average German. The average American used to be more than 20 times richer than the average Chinese [s]. Now it's just five times , and soon it will be 2. Video presentation by Niall Ferguson, M. Autonomy in a Mass Age in One third of the people deported to the camps died during the transport — out of fear to starve.
The other third died in the camp when food was short, life was hard-hard, and trust was low. The last third had a chance to survive as they kept trusting in an inviolable instance within themselves. Three kinds of reaction patterns when faced with traumatic conditions Tripartition "Bread and games" metaphor Reaction Behavior Exemplified by death camp survivors 1st third Without BREAD they are incapable to!
They cannot. They don't want to. They endure the situation patiently and trustingly. Those who were free men again owe this to the power of their mind and soul, their unswerving trust in their destiny and their physical discipline. Excrement regularly. Stay up and present. Read whatever you can read. Try to communicate under adverse conditions. Juli Dr. Psychogramm einer Gesellschaft , C. Beck, 1. Ursachen und Folgen unserer normopathischen Gesellschaft , Verlag C. March Leseprobe Prof.
The art and practice of the learning organization , Doubleday, , new edition An introduction to systems thinking, exemplified by the novel, Ishmael , Michael Maren , US American foreign correspondent based in Africa, The Road to Hell. May Lloyd deMause psychohistory. June Robert B. Kenrick, Steven L. Neuberg, Social Psychology. September , reprint edition November Richard Wilkinson, Ph.
December The Spirit Level. February Nick Hanauer nick-hanauer. November Avi Tuschman, Ph. September Largest non-profit independent film release in history Political orientations left-right voting arise from three clusters of measurable personality traits i. January This human group size is due to the size and function of the neocortex. Kraus, Ph. February Joe Henrich and his colleagues are shaking the foundations of psychology and economics — and hoping to change the way social scientists think about human behavior and culture.
February Blog article Cognitive bias cheat sheet. Because thinking is hard. September 1. We don't see everything. Our search for meaning can conjure illusions. Quick decisions can be seriously flawed. Our memory reinforces errors. August Rule 1. Interview with Jonathan Haidt, Ph. Videointerview mit Prof. November Video Fernsehinterview mit Dr. Mai , YouTube Film, Dauer, eingestellt 3. Mai Video Fernsehinterview mit Dr. Brandstetter, YouTube film, duration, posted November Video presentation by Hans Rosling, M. How Porn has hijacked Our Sexuality , June and Melinda Tankard Reist , Has porn hijacked our sexuality?
October "One in five men who look at [ Internet ] pornography are [porn] addicted. Video documentation with a focus on the inequality research by Richard Wilkinson, Ph. January The Documentary. January Video presentation by Robin Dunbar, Ph. September Ongoing research in the Lucy to Language project The Mormons, the Hutterites , and the Amish do not allow community size to grow bigger than members. February , YouTube film, minutes duration, posted February Video presentation by Robin Dunbar, Ph.
March Video presentation by Hans Rosling, M. July Video presentation by Jonathan Haidt, Ph. August On the origins of morality and its basis in politics and religion referring to Haidt's new book The Righteous Mind. November Distribution of wealth in US , inequality and difference between the actual statistics and the perception of inequality, ignorance of US American citizens on the stunningly massive the wealth gap in their nation 4.
March , YouTube film, posted January , YouTube film, alternatively: cmn.
January , alternatively: Zeitgeist: Moving Forward , posted February Largest non-profit independent film release in history. July Anhand der Skala des Bewusstseins Gradeinteilung von , erarbeitet von Dr. Hawkins , hat Soziologie einen Bewusstseinswert BW von Letzte Bearbeitung: Reaktionsschema bei Extremsituationen. Ohne Brot sind sie nicht imstande dazu! Ohne Spiele sind sie nicht bereit dazu! Referenz : de. Speech delivered to the clergy and laymen concerned about the Vietnam war. Reference : en. Context as such is comprised of millions of components.
When a critical degree of balance, intensity, and density on a socio-political, economic, geographic level is reached, the idea may be activated into a reality. The activation is not due to 'causation' but resulting from the volition of the populace and the shifting of human proclivities. Hawkins , I. Reality and Subjectivity , S. Least income gap. Middle range income gap. Huge income gap. After 30 years of research British socioepidemiologists Wilkinson and Pickett found a unilateral pattern concerning mainly all social maladies in modern wealthy countries: The size of the income gap interrelated with psychosocial concordant dignity gradients.
Correlation : the bigger a nation's income gap interrelated with its concordant dignity gradient is the bigger are its failures in regard to health , human capital , and social relations. Economic inequality and status anxiety resulting in trouble spots of human life. Human Capital. Social Relations. Poverty Among 35 developed nations U.
Teenage pregnancies and births [ 1 - 10 , tenfold difference]. Stress Anxiety, Depression. Math and literacy scores Educational standards. Violence and homicides [ 15 - ]. Life expectancy. Crime rate, punishment, imprisonment [ 40 - out of , inhabitants; tenfold difference] The United States million have 7. China over 1. Mental illness [ 1 - 3 ; threefold difference]. Social mobility [Father's income influences career. Corruption and "Mutual trust " [ 15 - ; 4-fold difference]. Drug and alcohol addiction. Social capital, Community relations.